There are no transgender children. There are boys and girls—human beings whose sex is binary, determined by reproductive biology, and fixed at conception. What those such as the far left and/or those seen above labels “transgender children” are, at best, children experiencing gender dysphoria: a profound, often temporary distress over their sexed bodies. In the great majority of cases, that distress has been amplified, named, and steered toward a medical pathway by adults who treat a developmental condition as an identity to be affirmed and a body to be altered.

That is called ‘grooming’.

The word “groomed” is not rhetorical excess; it describes the necessary role of adult agency. A four-year-old does not independently invent the concept of being “born in the wrong body,” demand puberty blockers, or understand lifelong sterility. Someone older placed that idea there and kept it there.

Commentator Blaire White put the dynamic plainly:

“A transgender 4 year old is like a vegan cat. We all know who’s making the lifestyle choices.”

Cats are obligate carnivores; the vegan diet is imposed by the owner. Children are developing humans with incomplete brains, high suggestibility, and heavy dependence on the adults around them. The parallel holds. Social transition (new names, pronouns, clothing, and the public fiction of the opposite sex), followed by endocrine intervention, is not a spontaneous expression of an innate “gender identity.” It is a lifestyle choice adults make for the child and then treat as the child’s own discovery.

Without that adult scaffolding—parents steeped in gender ideology, teachers reading picture books about “trans kids,” therapists operating under affirmation protocols, or online communities that reward the narrative—most of these children would never reach a clinic.

‘But Doctors used to say there’s no such thing as Left Handed children too!”

The frequently deployed counter-example of left-handedness fails for the same reason the vegan-cat analogy succeeds. In the early twentieth century, some educators and physicians tried to force left-handed children to write with their right hands. They used shaming, tying the preferred hand, and other coercive methods. But they did not amputate the left arm.

The trait being suppressed was real, observable, and harmless; the body itself was not the problem. Gender dysphoria is a psychiatric condition in which the body is healthy and the distress is mental. The contemporary “treatment” is not a matter of letting the child use the preferred hand. It is the chemical suppression of normal puberty, the administration of cross-sex hormones that alter secondary sexual characteristics, and, in some cases, the surgical removal of healthy breasts, genitals, or reproductive organs. That is not the analogue of failing to accommodate left-handedness. It is the analogue of cutting off the arm and calling the result ‘liberation’.

Irreversible Damage

Those interventions are not reversible in the ways the affirmative model once claimed. Puberty blockers interrupt the maturation of the gonads and the brain’s normal developmental trajectory during adolescence. When followed by cross-sex hormones—as they almost always are—the combination frequently produces permanent sterility. A child who never undergoes endogenous puberty never develops the capacity to produce mature gametes. Cross-sex hormones themselves can cause irreversible changes: voice deepening and facial hair in natal females; breast growth and impaired spermatogenesis in natal males.

Surgical procedures remove tissue that cannot be restored. Bone density, sexual function, and fertility are compromised. The Cass Review in England (see below) documented the weak evidence base for these interventions in minors, the high rates of co-occurring autism, trauma, and same-sex attraction among referred children, and the fact that clinicians cannot reliably predict which children will persist. Historical studies of childhood-onset gender dysphoria, conducted before social transition became routine, found desistance rates of roughly 60–90 percent by adulthood, with many of the desisters growing up to be gay or lesbian adults. The affirmative model appears to convert a condition that once mostly resolved into one that persists precisely because adults lock the child onto the path.

None of this requires denying that some adults experience lasting dysphoria or that a small number of people will seek medical transition after reaching the age of majority. It requires recognising that children lack the cognitive capacity, life experience, and sexual maturity to consent to sterility and the permanent alteration of healthy bodies.

The adults who introduce the identity, affirm it at every step, and medicalize the distress are the ones making the lifestyle choice.

The child is the vegan cat.

See our Recommended Reading and Recommended Movies & Documentaries sections for further research.

– BrandX


Addendum: The Cass Review

The **Cass Review** (Independent Review of Gender Identity Services for Children and Young People), chaired by paediatrician Dr. Hilary Cass and commissioned by NHS England, was published in final form in April 2024. It is one of the most thorough examinations of the evidence on care for gender-questioning and gender-distressed children and young people. It relied on systematic evidence reviews conducted by the University of York, plus clinical data, stakeholder engagement, and analysis of service models. Its central conclusion is that the evidence base is remarkably weak and that children have been let down by the rush to medicalise gender-related distress.

### Evidence Quality

Systematic reviews found that published studies on puberty blockers, cross-sex hormones, and psychosocial interventions are generally of low or moderate quality, with poor methodology, short follow-up, and lack of reliable long-term data. There is no robust evidence base on which clinicians or families can make confident clinical decisions. The report states that strengths and weaknesses of the evidence “are often misrepresented and overstated, both in scientific publications and social debate.” Cass wrote: “The reality is that we have no good evidence on the long-term outcomes of interventions to manage gender-related distress.” International guidelines (including influential ones) were found not to be fully applicable to NHS practice and often rested on weak evidence or circular citation.

### Puberty Blockers (GnRH Analogues)

The original rationale—that they “buy time to think”—is not supported by the evidence. Most young people who start blockers proceed to cross-sex hormones (often the large majority, especially when started early). Evidence is weak or inconsistent regarding effects on gender dysphoria, mental health, and psychosocial outcomes. Effects on cognitive and psychosexual development remain largely unknown. There is consistent moderate-quality evidence of impacts on bone density (and potentially height). Risks to neurocognitive development, psychosexual development, and longer-term bone health are highlighted.

**Recommendation**: Puberty blockers should not be routinely prescribed and should only be offered under a research protocol. This contributed to NHS England ending routine prescribing outside of trials, followed by a UK-wide indefinite ban on their use for gender dysphoria/incongruence in under-18s (with research exceptions).

### Cross-Sex (Masculinising/Feminising) Hormones

Evidence is similarly weak for under-18s, with inadequate long-term follow-up data on those who start early. Unknowns exist around outcomes.

**Recommendation**: Extreme caution for use under 18. There should be a clear clinical rationale for offering them at 16 rather than waiting until 18, and cases should be discussed by a national multi-disciplinary team. NHS policy has been reviewed accordingly, with further pauses on new referrals for some ages in subsequent years.

### Social Transition

This is an active intervention (not a neutral act), even though it often occurs outside clinics (home, school, online). Evidence quality is insufficient to draw firm conclusions about mental-health benefits or harms. Children who socially transition earlier are more likely to proceed down a medical pathway. Social transition in childhood “may change the trajectory of gender identity development for children with early gender incongruence.” Historical evidence suggests most children with early gender incongruence desist before or around puberty.

**Recommendation**: A more cautious approach for pre-pubertal children than for adolescents. Parents/carers should be actively involved (unless this would put the child at risk). Clinical input is advised; schools and non-clinicians are not equipped to manage this alone. Partial rather than full social transition may better preserve flexibility.

### Demographics, Comorbidities, and Predictability

Referrals rose dramatically over a decade, with a shift from predominantly natal males to predominantly natal females in adolescence. No simple explanation exists; it involves a complex interplay of biological, psychological, and social factors (including possible social influences). Greater societal acceptance alone does not adequately account for the change in case-mix.

High rates of co-occurring conditions are present (autism spectrum conditions, other neurodevelopmental issues, mental health problems, trauma, and same-sex attraction). Medical pathways alone are insufficient; these must be addressed. Clinicians cannot reliably determine which children will have an enduring transgender identity into adulthood. For the majority of young people, a medical pathway is not the best way to manage gender-related distress.

### Service Model and Broader Recommendations

Move away from an affirmative medical pathway toward holistic, individualised care aligned with standard paediatric and mental-health practice. Psychosocial support should be first-line. Services should integrate with mainstream child health, screen for neurodevelopmental and mental-health issues, provide early support for pre-pubertal children and their families, and offer follow-through care into the early-to-mid 20s (brain maturation continues into the mid-20s). A full research programme is needed, including clinical trials of blockers and evaluation of psychosocial interventions. Support for detransitioners should be developed. Private-sector practices require clearer oversight.

### Policy Impact and Context

The review prompted major NHS changes in England (and influenced UK-wide policy), including the end of routine puberty blockers outside research and a shift to more cautious, holistic regional services. Similar evidence-driven restrictions or pauses have occurred in several other European countries. The review does not claim that no young people will ever benefit from medical transition or that transgender identities are invalid; it insists that care must meet the same evidence standards as other paediatric medicine, prioritise keeping options open, and address the full range of difficulties these young people often present with.

Criticisms of the review have come from some activist organisations and groups aligned with affirmation models (questioning aspects of the evidence grading or scope), but its systematic approach and findings have been widely regarded as rigorous by paediatric and evidence-based medicine standards. The official report and University of York evidence reviews remain the primary sources.